NIGERIA MEDIA MONITOR
#03-01 Monday 5 January 1998
* FOUR JOURNALISTS ARRESTED * GOVERNMENT STILL SCREENING DETAINEES FOR ANMESTY * COUP D'ETAT JOURNALISM AT RISK * A VIEW OF BROADCASTING DECREE * MUTED VOICES, SUFFERING FAMILIES NEWSREEL FOUR JOURNALISTS ARRESTED Four journalists with the Diet newspaper were arrested by security operatives on 28 December 1997. Arrested were Niran Malaolu (editor), Wale Adele (night editor), Emma Avwara (production sub-editor) and Emeka Egerue (head of Computer department). Four armed soldiers, three in uniform, one in mufti, first called at the premises of The Diet in the afternoon asking for the editor, but left when told he was not in the premises. They returned at about 10.20 pm, scaled the fence of the building and, once in, threatened to deal with anybody who did not cooperate with them in taking away the editors. They claimed they had the consent of the newspaper's publisher to enter the premises. They later took away the four journalists in their car to an unknown destination. Adele, Egerue and Avwara were released 29 December. But Malaolu is still being detained. The acting Director of Defence Information, Col. Godwin Ugbo, said his detention is on "orders from above" but gave no reasons for the government action. GOVERNMENT STILL SCREENING DETAINEES FOR AMNESTY The Federal government is still screening the names of all political detainees in the country to determine those who are to be set free, and has not abandoned her plan to give freedom to some of them. Police Public Relations Officer, Force Headquarters, Deputy Commissioner of Police, (DCP) Young Arebamen disclosed this when asked to explain why none of the detainees has not been released about two months after the promise was made by the government. The Head of State, General Sani Abacha, had announced in his November 17, 1997 broadcast to mark the fourth anniversary of his administration, that some of the political detainees would be released. DCP Arebamen, exchanging views with the members of the Crime Correspondents Association of Nigeria (CCAN) in his office, said that the committee set up by the government was yet to complete its assignment. The issue, he stressed was not entirely a police affair. FEATURES COUP D'ETAT JOURNALISM AT RISK by Adido Uyo Soldiers and other personnel of the military understand too well the adventure called coup d'etat that anybody who is trying to define, much less explain, the phenomenon to them could be rightly charged and convicted for effrontery and trespass. But it is a totally different matter when it comes to what experts in crisis management and communication would call coup d'etat journalism. The point is very simple to see: Just as those who fell timber cannot tell carpenters what to do with the wood, so can those who execute coups not tell journalists what to do with coups. To be sure, "wood" and "coup" are a world apart, just as carpentry and journalism are poles apart on the professional continuum. Wood is a physical matter, whereas coup is social; and carpentry is a technical/mechanical occupation, whereas journalism is social/organize. However, the crux of the assertion that those who execute coups cannot tell those who communicate coups lies in the concept of "prerogative." Prerogative means "a peculiar privilege shared by no other; a right arising out of one's rank, position, or nature." To dramatize the essence of prerogative, let me tell you something you may not already know. It is the prerogative of mothers to breast-feed babies. Fathers may baby-sit, and thereby feed babies from milk bottles. But they cannot breast-feed babies. That is not to say that a father cannot holler when a baby is crying because the mother has inserted her nipple into the baby's nostril. As a matter of fact, the human body operates on the principle of functional prerogative, by and large, given the functional dominance of the brain. So, our eyes cannot smell for us, just as our nose cannot see for us. What is true of the human body is supposedly so for society. Farmers do not teach our children for us, while teachers do not produce food. Politicians do not fight wars, while soldiers......ah you re! I'd wanted to say, while soldiers do not administer the country. But we all know otherwise. And this is exactly what is meant by aberration. Military rule is a violation of the principle of functional prerogative. But it is more than that. Having taken over the function of another organ of society, the military actually exercises dominance over all the other organs, that is, institutions of society. It is the exercise of this functional dominance that was being exhibited last week when the news of the alleged coup plot broke, and two members of the military sought to dictate to or coax journalists, civil servants and other groups of Nigerians concerning what they should say or not say, do or not do. The two are the military administrator of Ondo State and the Director of Defence Information. Because our focus is journalism, we shall restrict this comment to the warning which the Director of Defence Information gave to the press on how journalists should handle the story of the alleged coup plot. By derivation, a coup d'etat is a blow to the state, and a blow to the state is a blow to all who inhabit a given polity. For that simple reason, coups are not just military affairs. They concern the public, every citizen, and they concern journalists, particularly, because they are the citizens whose function it is to inform the society about matters related to the event, to interpret matters related to the event, and to comment on matters related to the event. These are respectively referred to as the news, interpretation and opinions function of journalism, or the press. Whereas the news functions relies on facts, the opinion function relies on views, on thoughts, on ideas. And the midway function of interpretation relies on analyses and inferences, on conclusions drawn from observations. Indeed, an additional fourth function is that of entertainment, as represented by cartoons, whose logic oftentimes persuades people more than makes them laugh. Coup communication involves all these functions, and coup communication is what coup d'etat journalism is all about. Unless journalists want to abandon their responsibility to the society, they must be seen to be discharging their functional prerogative. This is why the advice of Colonel Godwin Ugbo, Director of Defence Information, is less than altruistic. In warning journalists to report only what they know to be a fact, so as not to share the fate of their colleagues who were convicted during the 1995 coup trial for their journalistic performance, Colonel Ugbo raised many ticklish issues. But that's by the way. Nigerian journalists, in keeping with their functional prerogative, have engaged in coup communication since the first coup d'etat of 1966. That is to say, coup d'etat journalism is not new to the Nigerian Press. What is new to the Nigerian Press is being persecuted for doing the work which the nature of journalism obliges it to do, by another institution which is not only violating the principle of functional prerogative in their society, but also employing its functional dominance to teach other institutions how to do their work, and beyond that, convicting them for something which does not concern them at all: Plotting and executing coups. There is no question about the non-violability of truth. Journalists must report only what they have verified to be the fact as news. But nobody should dictate to journalists who are engaged in the interpretation or opinion functions, how they should analyse or comment on the facts that have been ascertained. One ascertained fact is that the Government has said that some military officers have planned a coup which has been uncovered. Members of the public, and especially, of the Press, must be allowed to weigh this fact, to chew it, to judge it, to advert their minds to it, generally. A civilized, democratic culture, which this government claims to be committed to, demands nothing less. Besides, that is the only way the Government can make the public believe that there was a coup plot, for which the plotters should get the necessary sanction. *Dr. Uyo teaches Mass Comunication at the University of Lagos, Nigeria. Source: Sunday Diet, December 28, 1997. AN EXPERT'S VIEW OF DECREE 38 by Bankole Sodipo Since 1959 when Africa's first television broadcasting station commenced operations in Ibadan, radio and television broadcasts stations had been state-owned and state-regulated until September 24, 1992 when the National Broadcasting Commission Act, 1992 was passed to permit and regulate private ownership of radio and television broadcasting stations and apparatus. The act touches on a number of issues ranging from the regulation of the broadcast industry, the grant of licenses, copyright local film programmes and the wireless telegraphy. Without much elaboration, the Act affects the operation of the Nigeria Television Authority. Given the constraints of space, I intend to highlight the most significant issues for discussion. In the main, the 1992 Act is being administered by the Nigerian Broadcasting Commission (hereinafter called the Commission or NBC) which is empowered to implement government policies as they concern broadcasting. This includes the regulation of the industry, the establishment of ethics, standards and codes, the undertaking of RD to develop the industry, the encouragement and promotion of the Nigerian culture, and giving advice to the government on policies to be adopted on international signals. The Commission is also empowered to administer the Wireless Telegraphy Act, 1961. Who grants licences Is the power to grant broadcast licences the exclusive preserve of the Commission or that of the President? There is no doubt that the NBC has powers to determine and apply sanctions (including the revocation of licences) for any act done in contravention of the Broadcasting Code, or acts which do not accord with public interest. Licences may also be revoked by the NBC if the holder is in default of paying prescribed fees or where the licence has not been exploited within a year of issue. However, it is not entirely clear who has the right to grant broadcast licences. Section 2(1)(c) provides that the Commission is to receive and process applications for ownership of radio and television stations, (including cable or satellite), and make recommendations through the Minister, about applicants to the President for the grant of radio and television licences. This suggests that the Commission cannot grant a broadcast licence. On the other hand, section 9(2)(3) (4), suggests that the NBC can grant licences. It must be noted that the 1992 Act did not state anywhere that the licence can be granted by the President. However, the Act in section 9 states specifically that "That grant of a licence by the Commission under this Decree shall be subject to availability of broadcast frequencies". This inconsistently calls for a review. It is arguable that if deregulation is the essence of the new policy for the broadcasting industry, the NBC should be able to grant licences and the President should have nothing to do with decisions taken. Who can apply for a broadcast licence? Foreign equity participation. Under the 1992 Act, applicants for a broadcasting licence must be a company incorporated in Nigeria in which the majority shares are held by Nigerians. Licences are valid for 5 years in the first instance but they are renewable on application made within six months before expiration. The applicants must give an undertaking that the licence will not be used to promote religious or ethnic disaffection in Nigeria. The applicant must indicate specifications of the equipment to be used, the target audience and efforts at promoting local contents of the programmes during the subsistence of the licence. However, licences will not be granted to religious organisations or political parties. It done with the prior notification and approval of the NBC. Consequently, broadcast licences are similar to some other licences such as oil explorations licences which are not transferable. It means that a licensee who is unable to exploit the licence for one reason or another cannot transfer the same with the NBC's approval. What then is the position if a foreign corporation takes over a local company that has a licence, will this amount to transfer of the licence? The question may be asked, "What if Time Warner makes a bid and eventually purchases a local private station? Is the licence transferred to Time Warner? If so what will be the attitude of the NBC? It is strongly suggested that transferability albeit with the NBC's approval should be permitted. Nonetheless, lawyers can always be instructed to structure a deal in such a way that it would not amount to a transfer of a licence under the Act. Local contents requirements Each licence must have a schedule of proposed programmes for periods like quarterly periods and a local content of 40% and a synopsis of the programme plans. It must be stated that I did not find any statutory instrument empowering the NBC to reduce the local contents requirement to 20%. It would appear that the local content requirement is aimed at promoting investments which will develop the local film and television industry. If a licensee must broadcast local programmes which must be paid for, local productions should be boosted. While the requirement for local programme content is to be commended for foresight, it may appear to be unfair as between those who beam their signals from outside Nigeria and those who either transmit or retransmit in Nigeria. International signals like CNN, for instance, beamed directly from Atlanta cannot easily be repacked to include signals to be repacked to meet the local content requirement. This may discourage some 40% local content. It is not clear to the author whether the NBC has made it compulsory for such foreigners from granting licences for the exploitation of their signals. Source: Vanguard, December 31, 1997. MUTED VOICES, SUFFERING FAMILIES By Bankole Ebisemeji The cautious reports that characterised press coverage of the recent alleged coup plot best illustrate the performance of the media in 1997. Apparently, the arrest, conviction and subsequent sentencing of four journalists to 15 year jail terms for complicity in the alleged coup plot of 1995 has beclouded the usual insightful reportage of coup attempts in the past. Confronted with a similar situation this month, attributive reports took over from the normal investigative journalism that endeared the Nigerian press to the reading public. The media scene in the year under review is anything but exciting. This is due to the operating environment which experienced some significant radical changes in terms of government-media relationship. >From the traditional arrest, harassment and detention of perceived "offending" journalists, security operatives turned their arms against the immediate family of journalists. The year 1997 saw a repeated performance of such feat as exemplified in the plight of Mrs Ladi Olorunyomi, wife of the former editor-in-chief of The News magazine, Mr. Dapo Olorunyomi, and that of Arit Igiebor, wife of Tell magazine's Nosa Igiebor. Mrs. Olorunyomi went through the experience twice this year. On Thursday, March 20, she was picked up at her Mushin, Lagos residence by four security operatives who held her incommunicado until middle of May. The former production editor of Free Press magazine, Ladi Olorunyomi, was again arrested on Monday, November 3 by security agents. She was, however, released same day. On her part, Mrs Igiebor's Ikeja home was invaded by 12 armed security operatives looking for her husband on Wednesday, September 10 around I a.m The security men who came in three vehicles, two of which bore the inscription of the Lagos State anti-crime outfit, "Operation Sweep", according to Mrs Igiebor, forced their way into the house, wielding automatic guns and wearing military and anti-riot police uniforms, forced her at gun point to lead them in a thorough search of the house. She had her four year-old daughter with her. Mrs Igiebor who was taken away after the fruitless search for her husband (who at the time and like Dapo Olorunyomi was in the United States of America) was, however, freed in the early hours of the morning with a request that she produced her husband within 24 hours. The experiences have seen the Olorunyomis moved from their Mushin former abode while Mrs Igiebor is under pressure to move out of her Ikeja home. Ladi and Arit's plight, no doubt opened a new chapter in the harassment of media personnel in the country. Their experience was particularly irksome to Nigerians who continually plead for the release of the four jailed journalists, drawing government's attention to the suffering of their wives and children. Also suffering in silence like the others are the wives of Mr. Soji Omotunde, editor, African Concord, Mrs Bamidele Emiede Omotunde, and Mrs Osifo-Whiskey, wife of Mr. Onome Osifo-Whiskey, managing editor, Tell Magazine. Messrs Omotunde and Osifo-Whiskey were taken away in a bizarre manner on Saturday October 25 and Sunday, November 9 respectively. Omotunde who is yet to recover fully from an auto-crash that got him hospitalised for seven months was held along Adeniyi Jones Avenue, Ikeja, Lagos, when security operatives blocked his car, forced him into a Peugeot 505 car and drove him to an unknown destination. While Onome Osifo-Whiskey was arrested on his way to church at the Ajanaku/Opebi Road junction, Ikeja, Lagos, in the presence of his family. The Tell managing editor who was allowed to take his children back home was bundled into a security vehicle and driven away. Mr. Omotunde was outraged when she heard of her husband's abduction and tearfully told reporters that security agents had been playing a cat and mouse game with her husband for two months before then. The biology teacher in a Lagos secondary school feared her husband's bad leg may have suffered further damage. "I wonder why people should brutalise a weak limping man who is yet to recover from a devastating accident." She said her family now suffers tremendous hardship from their breadwinner's absence. Mrs. Igiebor reacting to speculations that the jailed and detained journalists may be released through the Head of State, General Sani Abacha's promised amnesty in his November 17 speech expressed doubt about such development. She advised families of detainees to design fresh plans of living without them pending their release. With the plight of these women as background, the media scene in the year under review did not witness any significant change in terms of relationship with government. Other journalists like Jenkins Alumona, editor, The News, Babafemi Ojudu, managing editor of The News and Tempo magazines, Mohammed Adamu, Abuja bureau chief, African Concord and Akin Adesokan of The Post Express are presently in detention. The premises of The News and Tell magazines were raided at different times while vendors found with their publications in Abuja, the Federal Capital Territory were arrested and briefly detained. Mr Nduka Obaigbena, publisher of ThisDay newspaper was also guest of security operatives who arrested him at the NICON NOGA Hilton Hotel, Abuja. He was held for a week. Source: The Guardian, December 29, 1997.
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